On a July evening in Brooklyn, the city of homes. The "tired American businessman," the manufacturer and the worker seek refuge from the oppressive heat in that quiet and peaceful corner -- the home.
The radio is the window to the world, maintaining contact and furnishing possibilities for amusement, entertainment and instruction.
We were assembled in a typical home of an American Jewish family. All questions of the day disposed of, the host opened the "miracle box"for entertainment and, perhaps, casual information.
A heavy but fluent voice announced: "Honorable Count Alexander Skrzynski, Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, will address the American people following a 'Polish hour.'"
* * *
The "Polish hour" consisted of musical selections by Chopin, Paderewski and Wieniawski. The gathering, mainly American born, all Americanized, enjoyed the tone of the classical selections which are in such striking contrast to the half-negro jazz.
Atavism apparently is a great factor. Almost all of the assembled, looking back in historical and geographic terms, could trace the reason why the music of Polish genius had a special appeal to them. One's father or grandfather, another's mother, lived at one point in some part of God's world which was somehow connected with Polish territory or under the influence of Polish culture.
Atavism was not, however, necessary to explain the intense attention with which the further announcements were listened to.
"We will now have the honor of listening to the Honorable Count Alexander Skrzynski in his first address to the American people over the radio," the announcer's voice resounded.
Aha. The noble with that unpronounceable name who comes from a country where millions of Jews have lived and suffered. Is it true that conditions there are to be better now? Let us listen.
The loudspeaker was placed in the center of the room. Everybody lent an ear. A proud voice which seemingly attempted to be mild issued forth.
"Poland will never forget its gratitude to the United States. Poland will never forget that it was Wilson's thirteenth point which raised the stone from its tomb.
"Poland, a democratic country, has in the last seven years built up a state. We have opened schools, spread education. Our country has difficulties, but Poland has balanced not only its budget but also its soul.
"One of the main questions is that of the national minorities. One of the outstanding features of the national minority question is the Jewish question. There is no reason why the Jews in Poland should not be able to live together and derive their livelihood in a country as rich in opportunities as Poland is. The agreement recently concluded in Warsaw is an important step in that direction."
All ears were eager to hear more. When the hour struck eleven the voice which came from the distance ceased.
An impression remained. Poland is balancing not only its budget, but also it soul.
An agreement has been concluded.
* * *
In the course of many centuries Jews have lived in Poland. As long ago as the time of the almost prehistoric King Mieszko, the first coins which were issued on the banks of the Vistula had Hebrew inscriptions. In the course of centuries a golden chain of Jewish work, of Jewish development of commerce and building of towns, continued in what were "Polish forests."
Through the various crises, misfortunes, wars and the three partitions, the poem of a Polish Jewish idyll went on. Rabbi Meisels marching with the Catholic priests at the head of the Polish legions, fighting desperately against Russian invasion. Berek Yosselovitch forming a special Jewish legion for combating the Russian invasion, the Jewish members of Pilsudski's liberty legion, the blood and flesh embodiments of Mickiewicz's "Yankel Cymbalist" and Eliza Orzesko's "Meir Josephowicz."
The influence of the Kabalah took root. Towjanskism was the forerunner of Polish Messianism which, after prolonged struggle, suppressions and sufferings, attained what seemed to be a victory.
* * *
December 11, 1918. Wilson's Fourteen Points hang over Europe like fourteen challenges. Under the pressure of these challenges, Europe tottered. The heavens seemed for a moment to open and resurrected Poland sprang forth with the desire of a Poland from sea to sea.
The star of Pilsudski rose on the horizon.
At the same time, however, there appeared the dark clouds of Dmowski, Glonbinski and Grabski, the pillars of that party which had, before the war, proclaimed militant anti-Semitism as its program and a boycott against Jews as its weapon.
The internal struggle for power in the new republic started. The road to political and economic power lay over the Jew. The popularity of a party depended upon the intensity of its anti-Semitism. A loud auction where the highest bidder on anti-Semitism was the winner was a continuous performance. In seven years, ten governments succeeded each other. The Bolsheviks came as far as the Vistula and receded; Czechoslovakia was indignant; Germany murmured; the millstones of history turned and the Jews of Poland were crushed.
* * *
Suddenly, strange dispatches began to come forth from Poland's capital. The Polish government, represented by its Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Education, are "negotiating" with the Jews concerning an agreement. Conferences and negotiations continued for long weeks. Concessions, declarations and exchanges were talked of. Finally, a Polish Jewish "agreement" was concluded with proper ceremonies at which the following declaration was, as demanded, submitted by the Jewish leaders.
"Adhering continually to the standpoint of the immunity of the frontiers of the Polish Republic and of the defense of Poland policy as a great power, adhering to the view of the necessity for an internal consolidation within the Republic, the Club of Jewish Deputies in the Polish Sejm establishes that its policy in the Sejm with regard to general matters, as well as concerning Jewish national questions, was conceived and conducted in conformity with the mentioned principle for the purpose of protecting the interests of the Jewish population in the Republic."
The Polish constitution is, one can safely say, a most liberal one. So far as the letter and spirit of the law goes, it guarantees equality before the law to all citizens, freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom of the press, and even goes further, as if to meet the international obligation incurred by Poland through its signature to the supplementary treaty on national minorities attached to the Treaty of Versailles, and guarantees the rights of "religious, racial and ethnographic minorities to foster their national characteristics and language."
Were there a desire to fulfill the constitution, other laws or concessions would be utterly unnecessary.
However, the fact is that negotiations, conferences and concessions were necessary in exchange for which a declaration of the Club of Jewish Deputies was submitted. A list of demands was submitted, only part of which was published.
* * *
Count Alexander Skrzyski, a tall gentleman of Polish aristocratic family, born in Galicia, educated at the University of Krakow and trained to diplomatic service in the school of the former Austro-Hungarian empire, presents an imposing figure of a man who can without difficulty meet the most difficult situation and smile it away.
The initiator of the Polish Jewish agreement, who is described as a man of courage, had great reserve when approached at the Hotel Pennsylvania in New York for more details on the circumstances and conditions of the agreement.
The declaration by the Club of Jewish Deputies to the Prime Minister which was, as is understood, a sine qua non for the agreement, contains a phrase in which the Club states that it "adhered continually to the standpoint of the immunity of the frontiers of the Polish Republic and the defense of Poland's policy as a great power," and also "to the view of the necessity for an internal consolidation within the Republic." This creates the impression that an oath of loyalty was asked of the Jewish deputies. Why was such a declaration of loyalty necessary? Have the Jews in Poland ever been disloyal to the Polish Republic? the minister was asked.
"Just as by inference one could form a charge against the Jews, basing it on this phrase of the declaration, so a similar charge could be formed against the Polish government which, by concluding an agreement, proved that it was not previously fair toward the Jews. While it is true that Polish Jewry was as a whole not disloyal, one might say that at least the impression prevailed that the Jews in Poland were not enthusiastic or, in the best of cases, were indifferent to Poland as a state," the count replied.
Press dispatches stated that the government has issued twelve ordinances concerning the democratization of the Jewish communities in the Polish Republic and recognizing the use of Hebrew and Yiddish at public meetings, as well as some concessions concerning school matters. Is this the only result of the agreement and if so why were these concessions issued as government ordinances and not as legislation which would insure their permanency?
"The questions dealt with by the government ordinances are basically within the rights guaranteed in the constitution to all citizens of the Polish Republic. No special legislation is necessary. Until now any government which was in power could, as long as no change in the law was made, interpret the law in its own way. A few points which affect the economic status of the Jewish population may be objects of legislation at a later time. What was necessary was to give the lead. The government gave the lead to the agreement and its further development is, of course, a matter of time and of gradual adjustment based on a better understanding between the Jews and the Poles which requires a psychological change."
Did the government, when it concluded the agreement, act in this matter with the knowledge and consent of the Polish parties represented in the Sejm? Has your government a permanent majority in the present Polish parliament?
"So far as the present government is concerned, it has the largest support that any government has had. The mere fact that it is in existence for two years when, during the last seven years, ten governments have changed, proves its stability."
Is it true that the parliamentary club of the National Democratic Party has passed a resolution stating that the negotiations between the government and the Club of Jewish Deputies took place on the government's own responsibility?
Count Skrzynski seemed not to be aware of this resolution which was probably adopted after he left for America. He stated, however, that a guarantee that no opposition will come from that quarter lies in the fact that the Minister of Education, Stanislaw Grabski, who is one of the leaders of that party, conducted the negotiations and concluded the agreement.
Will steps be taken that the anti-Semitic press cease its fierce propaganda, which, in the opinion of many, was mainly responsible for the conditions created for the Jews in Poland?
"Here I must again refer to the Minister of Education who is himself an owner of several national dailies. I cannot imagine that the Minister of Education, who is a recognized leader of the National Democratic camp, would be criticized by his own press."
How would you explain the fact that the agreement was concluded at a time when the Jewish leaders from Little Poland, formerly Galicia, succeeded the leaders of former Russian Poland?
"I am from Galicia myself," the count smiled in answer.
* * *
The purpose of Count Skrzynski's journey to America was not a diplomatic mission but, as was stated, to lecture at the Williamstown Institute of Politics. In his address at that Institute, Count Skrzynski dwelt on the security pact which is now being negotiated between Great Britain, France and Belgium and Germany. In the draft of this pact, which is considered almost a fait accompli, mention of the security of Poland's western frontiers and its corridor to the sea, running through Germany, is omitted. Count Skrzynski, while stating that Poland was in favor of the security pact, declared that Poland would support the full provisions of the Treaty of Versailles in the delimitation of the Polish borders.
"Poland is seeking to preserve peace with all its neighbors, but until the nation feels secure it will not think of reducing its armaments," he declared.
The loan which was floated by American bankers for $50,000,000 has brought only $35,000,000. Poland needs funds for private industries and negotiations are now pending for an official government loan.
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